I. Brief introduction of IICA.

I represent the International Institute for Central Asia (IICA), a public research organization, established by the initiative of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev.

Since its launch in 2021, the Institute has been dedicated to strengthening multifaceted cooperation among all Central Asian countries and enhancing people-to-people ties.

IICA’s mission is to promote peace and sustainable development through partnership, based on our shared values and common interests for secure, prosperous and resilient Central Asia.

Our priority research areas include political and social dynamics, security and stability in the region; economic resilience and regional connectivity through making the region attractive for foreign investments and diversifying transportation networks; water management issues, the impacts of climate change, and environmental protection; preservation of the historical and cultural heritage, alongside advancement of humanitarian studies in the region.

We actively participate in the C5+1 framework, which encompasses ten dynamic platforms engaging key nations and regions across the globe. Through this initiative, we have successfully convened think tank forums with leading partners such as South Korea, the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the European Union. Building on this momentum, we are planning to host additional forums this year with Russia and the United States.

These intellectual exchanges serve a vital role in shaping thoughtful, well-informed proposals that contribute directly to the agendas of summits at the highest diplomatic levels, fostering cooperation and strategic dialogue on critical regional and global issues.

We also strive to establish extensive partnerships with leading research organizations in Central Asia and beyond, as well as to maintain constant dialogue among scholars, researchers and experts focusing on Central Asian studies.

II. Introduction to the Topic.

We gather at a time of immense opportunity for Central Asia—a moment filled not only with promise, but with purpose. For far too long, our region has been seen through the narrow lens of crisis and competition, treated as a geopolitical afterthought rather than a dynamic force in its own right.

But that narrative is beginning to shift.

Today, I wish to speak not only of that shift, but of the journey we are undertaking together—the progress we have achieved, the challenges that remain, and Uzbekistan’s vision for a stronger, more united, and self-assured Central Asia. A region that no longer waits to be defined by others, but boldly defines its own place in a rapidly changing world.

III. Progress we have made in Central Asia.

In the past eight years, Central Asia has seen significant progress—politically, economically, and diplomatically. These changes are not just important; they are lasting and set the foundation for a new chapter in our region’s future.

     1. Political and Diplomatic Reconciliation

Over the past several years, Uzbekistan has placed reconciliation and regional unity at the core of its foreign policy. Uzbekistan’s foreign policy is firmly rooted in the principle of “zero problems with neighbors,” reflecting a strong commitment to regional peace, cooperation, and mutual respect. Under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and guided by the principles of openness and good-neighborliness, we have taken meaningful steps to resolve longstanding disputes and rebuild trust across Central Asia.

The results are tangible and transformative. Long-running border disagreements have been resolved, opening the door to deeper regional cooperation. Most recently, in Khujand, the Presidents of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan signed a historic agreement finalizing the demarcation of their shared border junction. This milestone not only settles all remaining territorial issues among Central Asian states but also marks the beginning of a new chapter of integration and shared progress.

Cooperation over shared water resources has also taken a significant step forward. Uzbekistan and Afghanistan have signed an agreement on the joint management of the Amu Darya river basin, a crucial development in the context of Kabul’s ongoing construction of the Qosh Tepa Canal. Similarly, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have reached an understanding on the delimitation of their border near the Chashma spring—a site of previous tensions in 2020. Under the agreement, the spring remains on Kyrgyz territory, while Uzbekistan will have access to two-thirds of the spring’s actual water flow.

Where once there were divisions, we now see growing connection. Borders that historically symbolized separation are becoming bridges of cooperation. A powerful illustration of this change: today, citizens of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan can cross borders using only their national ID cards—something almost unimaginable just a decade ago. The similar initiative is now being discussed with Kazakhstan and Tajikistan.

Dialogue among Central Asian leaders has been institutionalized through the Consultative Meetings of the Heads of State—a cornerstone of regional cooperation and consolidation. The initiative to hold these meetings was proposed by Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in 2017 at the 72nd session of the UN General Assembly and was supported by all regional countries. Since then, six such meetings have taken place in all capitals of Central Asian states.

At the 2023 Dushanbe Summit, a significant milestone was reached: the decision to establish a Council of National Coordinators—a major step toward further institutionalizing cooperation. This body is designed to enhance the day-to-day effectiveness of interstate engagement and provide coherence to ongoing initiatives.

Last year in Astana, regional leaders adopted the "Concept for the Development of Regional Cooperation: Central Asia – 2040" —a strategic vision to deepen integration in trade, energy, transport, environment, digital connectivity, and cultural identity. It envisions institutionalizing the consultative meetings of Central Asian heads of state into a formal regional structure.

Key priorities include enhancing intra-regional trade and industrial cooperation, developing trans-Eurasian transport corridors, jointly managing water and energy resources, coordinating climate and environmental policies, expanding digital connectivity, and fostering a shared Central Asian identity through education, culture, tourism, and public diplomacy. With a commitment to neutrality and international law, the Concept positions Central Asia as a stable, interconnected, and globally recognized region by 2040.

This year, Uzbekistan will host the seventh Consultative Meeting, where we will address critical issues and take further steps toward institutionalizing this format. More specifically, Uzbekistan sets clear priorities—integration in trade and industry, energy and water coordination, diversification corridors, digital infrastructure, and fostering a shared cultural identity. It also outlines plans to evolve the consultative meetings into a permanent regional governance structure, grounded in neutrality, shared values, and respect for sovereignty.

In parallel, regular meetings of the Heads of National Security Councils are now in place—demonstrating our commitment to shared responsibility in tackling common threats.

Uzbekistan continues to advocate for the swift establishment of the Economic Council of Central Asian States—a forward-looking institution designed to harmonize regional trade, investment, and development agendas. We believe this Council will serve as a catalyst for deeper, more comprehensive economic integration across the region.

Furthermore, the idea of establishing our own “integration core” in Central Asia is gaining traction—drawing inspiration from early European models like the European Coal and Steel Community. Our region already possesses both the historical foundation and practical experience necessary for such integration. Notably, the establishment of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea in 1993 stands out as Central Asia’s first regional institution dedicated to coordinating efforts on transboundary environmental challenges. This Fund has demonstrated our capacity for collective action and provides a unique platform that could evolve into a broader foundation for regional integration. Over the decades, we have also advanced cooperation in economic and security spheres—for example, through the Central Asian Cooperation Organization and the landmark 2006 Semipalatinsk Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone, both of which further cement our tradition of collaboration. These achievements attest to the fact that today’s movement toward regional consolidation rests on a robust legal and institutional base, with the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea poised to play a central integrative role.

     2. Regional Economic Integration and Growth

Since 2016, we have witnessed a dramatic surge in regional economic cooperation, with the region’s economy now reaching $450 billion. Intra-regional trade has grown by an impressive 250%, reaching 11 billion dollars, while mutual investments have almost doubled, reaching almost 1 billion dollars. Uzbek enterprises are expanding their presence across Central Asia, and our investments in neighboring economies have tripled—signaling a new era of shared growth and trust.

Tourism within the region has nearly doubled, a clear reflection of our collective openness and growing people-to-people ties. At the same time, Central Asia is swiftly positioning itself as a vital hub for transport and communication, drawing in international investment which has doubled to over $40 billion in recent years.

     3. Active role of Central Asia on the global arena

Turning to engagement with external partners, the proliferation of multilateral platforms under the “C5+” umbrella has significantly deepened our cooperation with key global actors. Initiated by Japan in 2004 and expanded with South Korea in 2007, these platforms now include Germany, the European Union, Italy, China, India, the GCC countries, and others—totaling eleven formats today, collaborating with nearly 40 countries and two regional organizations. When looking at the potential and opportunities for cooperation, it is important to highlight that the states within this economic space account for 75 percent of the world’s GDP and are home to nearly four billion people.

These platforms provide valuable mechanisms to jointly address pressing security, economic, investment, humanitarian, and environmental challenges. While not all of these formats align perfectly, their very existence signals two important trends: first, Central Asia is increasingly recognized as a coherent region of growing geostrategic significance; and second, global powers are repositioning themselves within this emerging multipolar world—one in which Central Asia holds a central and enduring place on the map.

Our region has become more cohesive and proactive on the international stage. Between 1991 and 2016, Central Asian countries initiated around 20 United Nations resolutions. Yet since 2016 alone, we have introduced 19 additional resolutions—a clear sign of enhanced coordination, collective diplomacy, and a more confident presence in global governance. This surge is no coincidence; it reflects a region growing in confidence, institutional maturity, and strategic ambition.

Recent resolutions underscore shared priorities such as regional security, sustainable development, transboundary water cooperation, climate resilience, transport connectivity, and intercultural dialogue. This vibrant diplomatic activity marks Central Asia’s transformation from a fragmented post-Soviet space into a cohesive bloc that no longer simply reacts to global agendas but actively helps to shape them.

The recognition of these processes by the international community is what is defined as the international legal personality of Central Asia.

Meanwhile, the development of a sense of belonging among citizens of national states to regional processes becomes an important driver of sustainable, long-term development of cooperation, strengthening the unity of countries, and fostering friendship among peoples.

In this regard, it is also important to emphasize that nothing strengthens the sense of pride in one's region more than its development successes and strengthening its role in the global community. For example, the strengthening of European identity is facilitated by a high level of European integration, including the vast Single Market and the financial and investment potential of the EU. The Schengen visa zone, which is shared by most European Union countries, as well as the high quality of the economy, science and technology, education, healthcare, and social services. These achievements, it is clear, strengthen European identity.

In the long term, this will lay the foundation for future generations of the five countries to develop a strong sense of belonging to a common regional space and a sense of pride in the region: "We, the peoples of Central Asia."

     4. Green transformation.

Uzbekistan, like our neighbors across Central Asia, stands at a unique crossroads—an energy power on the one hand, and one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable regions on the other.

Over the past three decades, our region has warmed by 1.5°C—twice the global average—placing mounting stress on agriculture, water systems, and critical infrastructure.

But we are not standing idle. We are acting—with urgency and vision.

In 2024, renewables accounted for 18% of Uzbekistan’s electricity production—twice the share just a year earlier. Our ambition is to raise this to 40% by 2030, and we are on track. More than 25 GW of green energy capacity is now under development, spanning solar, wind, and hydroelectric projects. These are not just for domestic needs, but also for cross-border integration and export.

One of our most ambitious undertakings is the Green Energy Corridor—a trilateral initiative with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan to transmit renewable electricity generated in Uzbekistan across the Caspian and Black Seas to Europe. This project, involving deep-water cables and transnational energy infrastructure, exemplifies both our strategic foresight and the power of regional collaboration.

But for these efforts to reach their full potential, partnership is essential—technical, financial, and political. As the European Union leads the global green transition, Central Asia can and should become a reliable pillar of that effort.

     5. What can Central Asia offer foreign partners?

Central Asia occupies a uniquely strategic position in the global race for critical minerals and strategic resources. The region holds approximately 7 percent of the world’s oil and gas reserves alongside substantial deposits of rare earth and critical materials essential for digital and green transformations. Specifically, the reserves of ten key critical minerals found in the region range from 5.2 percent to 38.6 percent of global supplies. Collectively, Central Asia accounts for 38.6 percent of global manganese reserves, 30 percent of chromium, 20 percent of lead, and 12.6 percent of zinc. Kazakhstan alone produced 43 percent of the world’s uranium in 2022. Uzbekistan, with significant lithium and rare earth reserves (deposits of 30 critical minerals), has only geologically surveyed about 40 percent of its territory, underscoring vast untapped potential.

Between now and 2029, Uzbekistan plans to implement 76 projects across 28 rare minerals, valued at $2.6 billion. These projects emphasize value addition rather than simple extraction, positioning Uzbekistan as a key supplier of high-purity, high-value strategic inputs for the global green economy. To support this vision, technology parks are being established in Tashkent and Samarkand to advance the full production cycle—from raw material extraction and scientific research to innovation and finished products. Additionally, modern laboratories and training centers are being opened to build local expertise and prepare our workforce to lead in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

This wealth of natural resources is complemented by a growing and youthful labor force. According to UN projections, Central Asia’s population will exceed 100 million by 2050, with an average age around 30 years. This demographic dividend enhances the region’s attractiveness for long-term investment and industrial cooperation.

Interest from external actors in the region’s resources and markets has surged accordingly. Chinese investment in Central Asia grew from $40 billion in 2020 to over $70 billion in 2022. China has become the primary destination for most of the region’s critical mineral exports, benefiting from geographical proximity, established trade infrastructure, and early commercial engagement. Chinese firms now control the majority of mining licenses in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, deepening their role in the extractive industries. While Russia remains influential, its economic presence is increasingly eclipsed by China’s growing footprint.

In parallel, the European Union has sought to secure sustainable supply chains vital for the green and digital transitions by signing strategic partnership agreements with Kazakhstan in 2022 and Uzbekistan in 2024. The historic EU-Central Asia Summit in Samarkand last month established cooperation in key areas, including trade, transport, energy, digital connectivity, and water resource management.

IV. Challenges.

Despite the progress we have made, the full consolidation of a resilient, integrated Central Asia remains a work in progress. We continue to face both inherited and emerging challenges—challenges that demand shared responsibility and collective action.

Let me highlight two pressing challenges—and outline Uzbekistan’s strategic approach to addressing them.

     1. Strengthening Regional Cooperation Mechanisms and Institutions

Regional cooperation in Central Asia has become more sustainable than ever before. Yet, to deepen it further, we must reinforce the institutional foundations that underpin it.

We recognize that some countries in our region remain cautious—concerned about potential dominance, especially within intellectual and policymaking circles. Uzbekistan respects these concerns.

That is why we are committed to advancing regional institutions only as far and as fast as our neighbors are ready to go. Our vision is one of consensus, not hegemony—of cooperation built on trust, equality, and mutual respect.

     2. Forging a Shared Regional Identity

Cooperation based solely on interest can be fleeting. But when it is grounded in shared identity—common history, culture, and values—it gains the power to endure.

All five Central Asian states are custodians of a unique and interconnected civilization. Rediscovering and revitalizing this shared heritage is essential to shaping a unifying regional identity.

Uzbekistan believes that without this foundation, regional cooperation risks remaining transactional. That is why we are investing in educational, cultural, and people-to-people exchanges to foster trust and solidarity.

For instance, the International Institute for Central Asia regularly hosts initiatives that celebrate the intellectual and cultural legacies of Chingiz Aitmatov, Alisher Navoi, Magtymguly Pyragy, Abai, and Rumi—figures who belong to us all.

V. Afghanistan.

When evaluating the current situation and policies of Afghanistan’s present government, it is crucial to acknowledge the fundamental difference from the previous regime. Since the Taliban’s return to power, the situation in Afghanistan has undergone qualitative changes. The Taliban now control the entire country, there is no organized military resistance, and the authorities have expressed no intent to wage war with neighbors. They are actively combating terrorism and, according to relevant UN agencies, opium production has decreased by 95%. Practical steps have been taken to curb corruption, while priorities now include economic development, infrastructure, job creation, and regional cooperation.

This fundamentally new reality requires fundamentally new approaches.

Since 2017, Uzbekistan has shifted from a security-centered view of Afghanistan to one based on engagement. We began to see Afghanistan not as a source of threats, but as a partner full of potential. This pragmatic policy has continued in the aftermath of the withdrawal of foreign troops. The new authorities in Kabul have demonstrated a willingness to cooperate peacefully with all neighbors and international stakeholders.

Uzbekistan consistently advocates for a peaceful, stable, and economically sustainable Afghanistan. Our approach is rooted in good neighborliness, respect for sovereignty, and non-interference in internal affairs. At its core lies the principle of dialogue and cooperation.

We must also acknowledge a difficult truth: what is often labeled the "Afghan problem" is in fact a legacy of external interference. From colonial-era invasions to Cold War confrontations and post-9/11 military interventions, foreign involvement has failed to bring lasting peace. Instead, it has left behind instability, poverty, and shattered institutions. Today, Afghans continue to be excluded from meaningful dialogue about their own future, while the world imposes expectations without engagement. It is time to reverse this trend.

Why not give the de facto Afghan authorities a platform and hear their views?

To be clear, we are not justifying or ignoring serious issues, including those related to women’s rights. But we believe that expanding international engagement with the current government ultimately serves the Afghan people’s interests.

This is why Uzbekistan questions the continued relevance of outdated UN sanctions lists that include individuals who are no longer alive or who are already acting as official representatives with whom many countries — including ours — are actively engaging. Several regional states have already accredited Taliban envoys and operate diplomatic missions in Kabul. Informal recognition and pragmatic cooperation are already a reality.

Our policy toward Afghanistan, which we call “stability through connectivity,” rests on three foundational pillars: pragmatic engagement, human-centered development, and transnational infrastructure integration.

Uzbekistan does not see Afghanistan as a burden. We see it as a bridge.

While we share global concerns regarding human rights and democratic norms, we recognize that isolation breeds instability. That is why we have chosen engagement over estrangement. Since 2021, we have delivered more than 12,000 tons of humanitarian aid, launched trade centers, and invested in training Afghan youth — especially women. This is not charity. This is strategy.

A stable and connected Afghanistan benefits all of us. It offers a growing labor force, opens new markets, and improves overland access to global trade routes. We are therefore advancing transformative infrastructure initiatives such as the Trans-Afghan Railway and the Surkhan–Puli-Khumri power transmission line. These projects aim to make Afghanistan a continental connector between Central and South Asia.

The countries of Central Asia also increasingly understand this. Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan were among the first to reengage, launching bilateral trade and infrastructure projects. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have removed the Taliban from their terrorism lists and are developing economic and humanitarian cooperation. Tajikistan continues to supply electricity and maintain trade.

This growing regional engagement reflects a sense of collective responsibility and shared interests.

In 2024, Uzbek-Afghan trade surpassed $1.1 billion — a concrete sign of this deepening partnership. But aid and trade alone are not enough. That is why we are creating sustainable platforms for economic, educational, and social reintegration.

In 2024, we opened a 36-hectare Free Economic Zone in Termez, city located in the southern part of our country, at the border with Afghanistan, fully equipped with customs, warehousing, hospitality, academic, and medical infrastructure. Over 90,000 visitors, including more than 40,000 Afghans, have passed through. This zone is a hub not just for commerce, but for connection.

Education is central to our vision. Since 2018, our Educational Center for Afghan Citizens has trained more than 660 students, including nearly 200 women. With support from the EU and UNDP, we are expanding vocational training in agribusiness, information technology, and other sectors to help young Afghans rebuild their communities.

Our vision also includes strategic infrastructure:

1) The Trans-Afghan Railway, connecting Uzbekistan to Pakistan’s ports, is a game-changer. Once completed, this 765-kilometer corridor will reduce freight costs by up to 40% and carry 30 million tons of cargo annually. The coordination office is already operational, and the first freight has reached Naibabad station in Afghanistan.

2) The Surkhan–Puli-Khumri Power Line will supply up to 6 billion kWh of electricity annually, supporting industrial growth and electrifying critical transport routes like the Hairatan–Mazar-i-Sharif railway.

3) The TAPI Pipeline, inaugurated in part in 2024, will carry gas from Turkmenistan to India via Afghanistan and Pakistan. It is projected to create thousands of jobs and generate over $1 billion in annual Afghan transit revenue.

These are not isolated projects. They are part of a regional architecture of interdependence — a pathway toward shared prosperity and durable peace.

We are not naive. The situation in Afghanistan remains fragile. Political and financial risks persist. But we are convinced that engagement — not isolation — is the only sustainable path forward.

We therefore call on our international partners to reconsider isolation as a viable strategy. We urge constructive cooperation in trade, investment, and development — with Afghanistan at the table, not outside the room.

If we want Afghanistan to be stable, it must be economically viable.

If we want Afghanistan to be peaceful, it must be connected — not cut off.

Only through sustained, inclusive dialogue — including with the current authorities — can we achieve progress on humanitarian access, counterterrorism, and the protection of fundamental rights. That dialogue must be led through open formats under the auspices of the United Nations, with all relevant stakeholders at the table.

Otherwise, we risk repeating the same tragic mistake: debating Afghanistan’s future in its absence.

VI. Conclusion.

We are living through an era of profound uncertainty. Global power is shifting. Technology is reshaping every facet of life. Conflicts continue to rage in far too many parts of the world.

Yet amid this turbulence lies a powerful opportunity—for Central Asia to stand tall. To choose cooperation over confrontation. To embrace openness, resilience, and shared responsibility.

Uzbekistan is deeply committed to this vision. But we know we cannot achieve it alone.

That is why we value genuine partnerships all around the world — with the EU, Nordic Council, US, GCC and many more. Partners who do not see us as a periphery to be managed, but as a region to be invested in.

Let us work together—not only to safeguard the achievements of the past, but to shape a future worthy of our peoples’ aspirations.