Central Asia – EU engagement.
Outcomes of the recent Summit. First, let me talk a little bit about Central Asian engagement with the European Union. As you all know, recently we hosted the first ever historic EU-Central Asia Summit on April 4-5 in Samarkand. Let me share some reflections on the outcomes of Summit. This event marked a significant milestone in our shared history. Its hosting in Uzbekistan was both symbolic and meaningful, underlining our country’s growing role as a constructive moderator of interregional dialogue.
The summit opened a new chapter in EU–Central Asia relations, formalizing the transition to a strategic partnership. This reflects a mutual commitment to sustainable, comprehensive, and long-term cooperation.
I would like to highlight four key areas where Uzbekistan has shown proactive engagement and leadership.
First, economic cooperation and sustainable development. The signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on Critical Raw Materials between the EU and Uzbekistan is a strategic step toward strengthening mutual supply chains, advancing the green economy, and integrating Uzbekistan into global value chains. In addition, there is a confirmed intention to sign the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) between the EU and Uzbekistan within 2025 — a legal foundation that will elevate our relations to a qualitatively new level.
Second, Uzbekistan is steadfastly promoting the sustainability and environmental agenda. The Samarkand Climate Forum, held in parallel with the summit, provided an important platform for discussing regional environmental challenges. Uzbekistan also reaffirmed its commitment to the Global Methane Pledge, demonstrating environmental responsibility and a strong will to modernize high-emission industries.
Third, regional integration and transport connectivity received special attention. Uzbekistan supported the creation of a Coordination Platform on the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor and the hosting of an Investment Forum and the EU–Central Asia Economic Forum in Uzbekistan in 2025. Given its strategic location, Uzbekistan is naturally positioned as a regional transport and logistics hub for the entire region.
Fourth, strengthening ties between think tanks of both regions. Ahead of the summit, on March 19, the International Institute for Central Asia initiated the first-ever EU–Central Asia Think Tank Forum — “The Tashkent Platform: Building Bridges between Europe and Central Asia.” This event brought together around 150 experts and officials from both regions and became a significant step toward deepening the expert-level dialogue.
The forum generated meaningful recommendations and proposals, many of which contributed to the summit's outcomes. We are confident that the Tashkent Platform will serve as a durable foundation for sustainable dialogue and will be held regularly — every two years, in advance of EU–Central Asia Summits — strengthening the partnership between our expert communities.
It is also worth noting the recognition of Uzbekistan as a constructive contributor to regional peace and security processes. The EU expressed support for efforts to reform IFAS (International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea), and emphasized the importance of water diplomacy and sustainable water management, where Tashkent continues to play a leading role.
From Uzbekistan’s perspective, the summit's outcomes reaffirm the validity of our course: openness, pragmatism, and mutually beneficial cooperation. Strengthening dialogue with the EU is not only an economic priority but also a contribution to the region’s overall resilience, reform processes, and Uzbekistan’s growing role as a responsible international partner.
Future prospects of Central Asia – EU engagement.
Looking ahead with optimism, we see the EU–Central Asia format steadily evolving and gaining momentum. A key future direction is its institutionalization, expansion of project-based cooperation under the Team Europe initiative, and the shift from declarations to practical steps — such as the opening of a European Investment Bank office in Tashkent, the launch of new educational programs, and the deepening of energy partnership.
The Joint Declaration adopted at the first EU–Central Asia Summit reaffirms shared values and marks Central Asia’s emergence as a confident regional actor. The guiding principles of this new partnership — sovereignty, regional integration, sustainable development, and adherence to international norms — align with the long-term strategic priorities of both regions.
The Global Gateway initiative, backed by a commitment of over €12 billion for Central Asia, confirms the EU’s intent to deepen regional integration through infrastructure projects — especially in the realms of digital and transport connectivity. The development of the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor will be a critical step toward enhancing trade ties and advancing sustainable transport solutions.
One of the summit’s most vital topics was economic cooperation and trade, particularly regarding critical raw materials such as lithium and uranium, which Central Asia supplies to Western industries. Agreements were signed on sustainable methods of extraction and environmentally safe processing, highlighting the importance of upholding environmental standards and embracing clean technologies.
In addition, the summit addressed issues of regional security, stability, and climate change, underscoring the need for joint action on water resources, energy efficiency, and the transition to renewables.
In light of the dynamic growth of EU–Central Asia dialogue, I would like draw your attention to some of the important points to consider to further enhance interregional cooperation:
First, the establishment of an EU–Central Asia Secretariat or Council as a permanent coordination mechanism. Such a body could ensure effective interaction between the parties, monitor the implementation of agreements, and provide institutional support for initiatives launched during EU–Central Asia summits.
A particularly relevant example is the cooperation between the EU and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The two regions have established the EU–GCC Joint Council at the ministerial level, as well as the EU–GCC Joint Cooperation Committee. These bodies meet regularly to coordinate and advance cooperation in areas such as trade, energy, climate change, and security.
Second, there is keen interest in Central Asia regarding the update of the EU’s Strategy for Central Asia (2019) and other key policy documents reflecting new realities and cooperation priorities. We welcome and fully support the European Parliament’s resolution of 17 January 2024 on updating the EU Strategy for Central Asia, which emphasizes the need for deeper, more structured cooperation between the two regions in light of evolving geopolitical realities. We hope this process will inject further dynamism into bilateral and multilateral projects, expanding the EU’s engagement in sustainability, security, and modernization efforts.
Central Asia – Nordic Council engagement.
Now, I would also like to talk about Central Asia – Nordic Council engagement, current state and prospects of deepening cooperation.
Central Asia stands at a historic crossroads. With over 75 million citizens—60% under the age of 30—our region is young, dynamic, and full of promise. Yet, we also face formidable challenges: climate vulnerability, gaps in infrastructure, the need for economic diversification, and a rapidly urbanizing population. To address these issues and seize the opportunities ahead, we must look outward and forge partnerships that complement our ambitions.
The Nordic countries offer a compelling model. Renowned as global leaders in sustainability, digital innovation, gender equality, and social governance, the Nordic nations have transformed challenges into opportunities through visionary policymaking, robust institutions, and technological ingenuity. Their economies—collectively surpassing $2 trillion in GDP—embody both resilience and creativity.
While the Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden—are often seen as a unified group, they actually differ significantly in their memberships of major international organizations. For instance, Denmark, Finland, and Sweden are members of the European Union, while Norway and Iceland remain outside the EU, instead participating in the European Economic Area. Finland is the only Nordic country in the Eurozone, as Sweden and Denmark maintain their own currencies. All Nordic countries are part of the Schengen Area, ensuring free movement across borders.
On security, Denmark, Norway, and Iceland have long been members of NATO, and recently, Finland and Sweden have also joined the Alliance, marking a historic shift in regional security policy. In terms of economic cooperation, Norway and Iceland are members of the European Free Trade Association, while the others are not.
Despite these different foreign policy choices, the Nordic countries have managed to build a highly effective model of regional cooperation, focusing on practical issues such as trade, energy, the environment, and innovation.
Similarly, in Central Asia, our countries are not identical in their international alignments. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members of both the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Uzbekistan participates actively in regional cooperation but maintains its independence by holding observer status in the EAEU and not joining any military bloc. Tajikistan is a member of the CSTO but has not joined the EAEU, while Turkmenistan pursues a policy of permanent neutrality and stays out of all such organizations.
Despite these differences, Central Asian countries are finding ways to cooperate and address shared challenges. The Nordic example clearly shows that diversity in international affiliations is not a barrier to effective regional partnership. What matters is a shared commitment to dialogue, mutual respect, and practical cooperation.
Why is a structured “Central Asia + Nordic Council” format vital for both our regions?
First, the Green Transition and Digital Future:
With a combined population of over 27 million, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden have emerged as leaders in both environmental innovation and digital transformation. Iceland, for instance, covers nearly all of its energy needs with renewables, while Sweden and Denmark are at the forefront of green technology, having pioneered large-scale wind power, advanced waste recycling, and the development of smart energy systems. Notably, Sweden recycles more than 99% of its household waste, and Iceland generates over 99% of its electricity from renewable sources, namely hydroelectricity (approximately 80%) and geothermal (approximately 20%).
This wealth of expertise is highly relevant to Central Asia, where countries like Uzbekistan are setting ambitious goals: building over 25 GW of green energy capacity by 2030 and targeting a 40% renewable energy share in the national mix. Achieving these targets will require not just investment, but also the advanced technology and technical know-how that the Nordics can provide—especially in areas such as solar and wind power, smart grids, and the emerging field of green hydrogen.
Equally transformative is the Nordic experience in digitalization. Finland led the EU in the 2023 Digital Economy and Society Index, while Denmark was ranked first in Europe for digitalization overall. Nordic countries have cultivated vibrant start-up ecosystems, with Stockholm gaining international recognition for producing more billion-dollar tech companies per capita than any other city in Europe after Silicon Valley.
As Central Asia strives to modernize its economy, expand renewable energy, and bridge the digital divide, we could benefit greatly from increased Nordic investment—particularly through established institutions such as the Nordic Investment Bank (NIB) and the Nordic Development Fund (NDF). These organizations have extensive experience in financing green energy and digital infrastructure projects across different regions and could play a catalytic role in supporting pilot projects and scaling innovative solutions in our region.
By partnering with the Nordics, Central Asia can unlock new economic opportunities, foster inclusive growth, and build the resilient infrastructure needed for a sustainable, connected future.
Second, Education, Research, and Human Capital:
With over 60% of Central Asia’s population under the age of 30, the region stands at a pivotal juncture where investing in education and innovation is not just a priority but an absolute necessity for sustainable growth. The Nordic countries offer an inspiring model—Finland consistently ranks among the world’s best in educational outcomes, while Sweden, Denmark, and Finland feature in the global top ten of the Global Innovation Index. In 2023, Sweden was ranked 2nd, Finland 6th, and Denmark 9th worldwide for innovation. Nordic public spending on education averages around 6–7% of GDP, well above the OECD average, reflecting a deep commitment to lifelong learning and advanced research.
Central Asian countries are already making significant strides in this direction. Kazakhstan has prioritized integrating its education system with global standards and invested in both teacher training and school infrastructure. Uzbekistan is undergoing an ambitious reform agenda for 2023–2026, aiming to expand preschool access by creating 620,000 new places and adding 1.2 million school places by 2026 to ensure broader educational coverage. Kyrgyzstan has introduced new laws making secondary education mandatory through grade 11, and has incorporated specialized skills training into the curriculum to better prepare students for the job market.
Tajikistan, with the support of a $50 million World Bank grant, is focusing on enhancing teaching and learning outcomes and modernizing schools. Turkmenistan is building modern educational institutions and upgrading social infrastructure to ensure that young people are equipped to manage new technologies and innovations.
Research and development are becoming a larger focus in both regions. Sweden invests over 3.5% of its GDP in R&D and is home to world-class universities like Lund and the Karolinska Institute. Similarly, Central Asian states are expanding partnerships, participating in academic mobility programs, and seeking to build joint research centers. For instance, Uzbekistan’s growing participation in international exchanges and collaborative projects through Erasmus+ and similar platforms is helping to foster a modern, globally connected workforce.
By expanding academic exchanges, adopting Nordic-inspired STEM curricula, and supporting joint research initiatives, Central Asia can empower its youth, create millions of high-quality jobs, and foster the skilled, innovative workforce required to thrive in the 21st-century global economy. Nordic experience shows that smart investment in education and research pays long-term dividends in productivity, social stability, and sustainable development—a vision that Central Asian countries are now actively pursuing.
Third, Connectivity and Urban Development:
Central Asia’s strategic position as a crossroads between Europe and Asia gives the region immense potential to become a global hub for trade and logistics. The Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, also known as the Middle Corridor, is a transformative initiative that connects Central Asia to Europe via the Caspian Sea, South Caucasus, and Black Sea. Nordic expertise is already contributing to the success of this project. Denmark’s Maersk, one of the world’s largest logistics companies, and Finland’s Nurminen Logistics are actively engaged in operating and expanding the Middle Corridor. In 2022, Nurminen Logistics launched new container train routes from China to Europe via Kazakhstan and the Caspian, demonstrating the corridor’s viability and reducing transit times. Maersk completed its first trial shipment from Japan to Europe along this route, further highlighting the growing significance of this emerging trade artery. Additionally, Finnish company Peikko has invested in manufacturing facilities along the corridor, supporting local development and technology transfer.
As Central Asian cities like Tashkent, Almaty, and Astana experience rapid growth, Nordic best practices in urban development offer practical and proven solutions for the challenges of urbanization. By 2024, Copenhagen has achieved a 72.6% reduction in CO₂ emissions compared to 2005 levels, thanks to a highly efficient district heating system covering 98% of households, 375 kilometers of dedicated bike lanes, and substantial investments in renewable energy such as wind and biomass. Now the city stands as one of the world’s greenest capitals and continues to set new standards for urban sustainability.
In this regard, the Nordic countries can support Central Asia by offering financing and technical expertise for infrastructure modernization. Nordic logistics firms can help Central Asian partners adopt digital supply chain management and efficient intermodal transport, making trade routes more reliable and cost-effective. Urban planning specialists from the Nordics can provide guidance for designing greener, more resilient cities—integrating cycling networks, renewable energy systems, and smart public transport, as exemplified by their own urban successes. Nordic experience in waste management and circular economy practices can help Central Asian cities develop recycling and waste-to-energy solutions, transforming environmental challenges into new opportunities.
By leveraging Nordic know-how in smart logistics, sustainable city planning, and modern infrastructure, Central Asia can further strengthen its supply chains, enhance trade integration, and ensure that its urban centers remain dynamic, sustainable, and ready for the future.
Fourth, Social Governance and Inclusion:
The Nordic model is globally recognized for its emphasis on transparency, inclusivity, and gender equality—key factors behind the region’s social stability and high quality of life. According to the World Economic Forum’s 2023 Global Gender Gap Report, Iceland has ranked first in gender equality for more than a decade, while Norway, Finland, and Sweden consistently lead global rankings in women’s political participation and workplace equality. The Nordic region also boasts some of the world’s highest levels of social trust and the lowest levels of perceived corruption, with Denmark and Finland ranked at the top of Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index.
Central Asia is moving forward in these areas as well, with encouraging signs of progress in women’s representation, youth engagement, and anti-corruption initiatives. For example, Uzbekistan has doubled the number of women in parliament over the past decade, and Kazakhstan has introduced minimum quotas for women and youth in public service. Nevertheless, challenges remain—including ensuring broader participation of women and youth in decision-making and continuing to strengthen trust in public institutions.
As a practical step, I propose organizing joint Nordic–Central Asia training workshops for government officials and civil society leaders focused on best practices in transparency, gender equality, and inclusive governance. Such targeted trainings would help build local expertise, strengthen our reform efforts, and foster direct professional connections between our regions.
Fifth, Cybersecurity:
While security and stability remain priorities for Central Asian countries, our region continues to face serious challenges in these areas. Rapid digitalization has brought new risks—cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, and vulnerabilities in government and critical infrastructure systems.
If we examine the latest international performance rankings from ITU Global Cybersecurity Index, it becomes clear that our region is making progress, but there is still a long way to go to reach the world’s highest standards. According to the global tier assessment, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan are classified in Tier 2, the “Advancing” group, with scores between 85 and 95. This reflects genuine progress and ambition, but also signals that we have more work to do to achieve global leadership in areas such as digital transformation, public governance, and institutional resilience.
At the same time, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan remain in Tier 3 and Tier 4—“Establishing” and “Evolving”—with scores ranging from just 20 to 85. These figures point to persistent challenges in system modernization, service delivery, and especially in building digital and security infrastructure. Our region is moving forward, but there is a clear need for accelerated reform and targeted capacity-building.
By comparison, if we look to the Nordic region, we find Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Iceland all standing firmly in Tier 1, as global role models with scores above 95. These countries have not only reached the highest level in governance, transparency, and cybersecurity, but they have set benchmarks in digitalization, public trust, and social inclusion.
What does this tell us?
It is a reminder that our aspirations are within reach, and that practical, targeted cooperation with global leaders like the Nordic countries can help us close these gaps more quickly. By engaging with their best practices, inviting their expertise, and participating in joint projects, Central Asia can advance to the next level—ensuring that our systems are resilient, our societies are secure, and our future is sustainable.
Nordic countries have secure digital platforms to share cyber threat intelligence between government and industry. By partnering with them, Central Asian CERTs (Computer Emergency Response Teams) could be connected to their networks, receiving real-time alerts and technical support.
As you can see, there is immense potential for partnership and mutual learning between our regions. Yet, despite this promise, relations between Central Asia and the Nordic countries remain significantly underdeveloped. At present, not a single Nordic country maintains an embassy in Uzbekistan, and our direct engagement is limited.
In 2024, total trade between Uzbekistan and all Nordic countries combined was less than US$150 million—amounting to around 0.2% of Uzbekistan’s total foreign trade. For comparison, while Swedish foreign direct investment in Kazakhstan now exceeds $600 million, similar investment in Uzbekistan and across Central Asia remains modest.
Existing initiatives—such as Swedish-led teacher training, Norwegian projects in digital security, and Icelandic discussions on renewable energy—are valuable, but they represent only the first steps toward what is truly possible. Our task now is to move beyond isolated projects and build a much broader, deeper partnership that matches the scale of our shared ambitions.
To advance these shared ambitions, I propose the establishment of a Central Asia–Nordic Council Think Tank Forum as an important first step. This platform would bring together leading experts and researchers from both regions to jointly explore key priorities such as sustainability, education, digital transformation, and green growth—creating a foundation for more structured and effective cooperation.
Over time, this forum could evolve into the intellectual engine behind high-level Central Asia–Nordic Council Summits and regular ministerial meetings. By fostering an ongoing exchange of ideas and policy solutions, we can move beyond dialogue to practical collaboration, building the relationships and knowledge needed for a truly long-term partnership between our regions.
